The Communist Manifesto (1848)共产党宣言（个人译读）

 (Intro and Part I)

A spectre is haunting Europe — the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies. 

Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries? 

Two things result from this fact:

I. communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power. 

II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself. 

To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. 

导言和第一部分：欧洲上空仿佛飘荡着一个幽灵，被冠以幽灵恶名的共产主义，所有欧洲的力量都联合在一起想要绞杀这个幽灵，从教皇到沙皇，从法国激进派到德国政府间谍，从奥地利统治者到法国统治者。

哪里有这么一个党派能遭受如此多反对者的责难？那些不能被当权者容忍的势力往往都被他们冠以共产主义之名，保守势力只要看谁不顺眼就要说他们是共产党成了固定话术。

这里要说明两个事实中的结论：

1.共产主义已经成为欧洲的一股不可否认的势力

2.共产主义者必须开诚布公的把真正的事实说出来，发表我们的观点，目标，趋势，以及驳斥那些污名共产主义是什么幽灵童话般的说法。

基于这一点，各个国家的共产主义者集中在了伦敦并起草了以下宣言，并将其译为多种语言出版。

Bourgeois and Proletarians (1) 

The history of all hitherto existing society (2) is the history of class struggles. 

Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master (3) and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes. 

资产阶级vs无产阶级：迄今为止的一切历史都是阶级斗争史，自由民和奴隶，王侯将相和平民百姓，地主和长工，师傅和徒弟，总的来说就是压迫者和被压迫者之间一直都建立在双方的斗争之上，时而是隐秘的对抗，时而爆发明面的战争，每个时代的终结都带来了一场社会结构层面的革命，有时候伴随着某个阶级的整体崩塌。

In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.

The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.

在古代，我们知道社会分为了复杂的人类阶层，社会等级衍生了多种人类阶级，在罗马有贵族，骑士，平民，奴隶，在中世纪有地主，有地主，领主，行业头目，行业师傅和徒弟，佃农，但总得来说这些阶级划分都是有压迫和被压迫这样的二分性质的。

在现代资本主义社会，那种压迫和被压迫的阶级划分依旧没有终结，取代封建等级的是资本主义的新阶级划分形式，新的阶级斗争取代了旧的斗争。

Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinct feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other — bourgeoisie and proletariat.

From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.

我们的时代，一个充斥资本，物质的时代有一个显著的特点，他简单鲜明的划分出阶级，整个社会划分出了两个对立的敌对阵营：资产阶级和无产阶级。

资产阶级人群的壮大很多是来自中世纪的一些从农村到城市讨生活的佃农，也有早期城镇中的平民，他们共同组成了早期的资产阶级。

The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development. 

美洲的发现，好望角航线的开辟，为处在上升期的资本主义提供了新鲜土壤，东印度和中国市场的开发，殖民地和奴隶贸易，大大丰富了通常意义上的商品买卖市场。这个日渐丰富的商品市场给商业，航运业，新的行业体系给封建社会带来了前所未有的冲击，资本主义飞速发展很快就成了击垮封建社会的重要因素。

The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production was monopolized by closed guilds, now no longer suffices for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild-masters were pushed aside by the manufacturing middle class; pision of labor between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of pision of labor in each single workshop. 

此时的封建社会行业机制已经完全不能满足飞速扩张的商品市场，各自闭环的行业体系被新的制造业体系取代，制造业的中产阶级把旧的行业工会掌管者推到了一边，新的行业分工，精细的各个行业协作组成的工业体系瓦解了旧的闭环式行业体系。

Meantime, the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacturers no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry; the place of the industrial middle class by industrial millionaires, the leaders of the whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois. 

同时，资本主义市场持续在壮大，需求不断在上升，这种市场需求甚至连资本主义的先进制造体系也跟不上了，于是又催生出来蒸汽机和工业革命这些新技术。原先的制造体系再次升级被全新的更现代化，更大型的制造业体系所取代。新的体系衍生出来新的制造业大亨，领导工业大军的行业巨头，全新的现代资产阶级诞生了。

Modern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development has, in turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages. 

现代行业体系已经创建了全球化市场，新大陆的发现为它提供了产品倾销地和产地，同时全球化的市场为商业的发展带来巨大的发展机遇，每片土地上人的交流，运输都紧密起来。这个发展进程有反哺于参与进来的各个行业，铁路更多了，航运更快了，工商业在社会中的比例提高了，同时，资产阶级也壮大了，他们增长了资本，资产阶级把触手伸进了中世纪以来的各个社会阶层的背后。

We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange. Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance in that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association of medieval commune(4): here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany); there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France); afterward, in the period of manufacturing proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone of the great monarchies in general — the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative state, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. 

我们可以看到，现代资产阶级的产品和技术发生过一系列的革命性改革模式。这里面的每一个步骤都伴随了资产阶级本身政治地位上的上升。在欧洲一些封建贵族实权较大的国家地区，比如像意大利和德国的城邦共和国，或者像法国那样的君主国；而后在真正的制造业时代，资产阶级利用这些保留封建残余形式的国家中的君主，对抗那些旧的贵族阶层，而事实上资产阶级从构建现代工业体系和世界市场开始，就开始动摇了这些君主制国家的根本，为了资产阶级自己的壮大做出了那种形式上的对君主制的支持。这也是一种现代资本主义国家的常见的典型政治统治现象，保留君主制，资产阶级和君主以及一部分贵族共同统治国家。

The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part. 

历史上资产阶级同样也扮演了重要的革命角色。

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors", and has left no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment". It has drowned out the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom — Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.

资产阶级无论在哪里都处在一个优势地位，他们已经终结了封建制度，旧的父权体系，庄园生活。同时资产阶级无情的扯碎了封建社会中连接人与人之间关系纽带，不再有谁天然就高高在上，也终结了任何人之间复杂的关系，取代的是赤裸的利己主义，他们冷酷的称之为金钱关系。资产阶级把旧时代的深沉的宗教热情，侠骨柔肠，奉献大爱这些传统的人类精神统统淹没进冰冷的金钱利益关系之中。同时资本主义把个人价值统统和金钱画等号，过去人们对自由的解释多种多样，而资产阶级把自由定义的既简单又不可理喻，只要得到买卖自由，那就是自由。总之资产阶级不不同于之前的统治者还需要用政策、宗教掩盖一下压迫和剥削，他们直白的、无耻的、残忍的把剥削和压迫摆在台面上。

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage laborers. 

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation into a mere money relation. 

资产阶级剥开了一切职业的光环和它曾有的崇高地位。任何职业都可以用钱衡量。它把付出的工资和医生、律师、教士，诗人，科学家直接画等号。资产阶级同时也取下了家庭关系的情感面纱，直接简化成了单纯的金钱关系。

The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades.

中世纪的那些被反对派推崇的美好景象被资产阶级无情的揭露了，资产阶级认为那些所谓美好都是残忍的，故步自封的堕怠行为。资产阶级也是第一个把人类无限的活力激发出来的阶级，资产阶级眼里自己的成就远超埃及金字塔，罗马沟渠，哥特式大教堂这些古代奇迹，资产阶级对世界的征服使古代任何国家的扩张冒险都相形见绌

The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real condition of life and his relations with his kind. 

资产阶级如果没有持续的行业、生产关系、整个社会关系三方面的革新将无法生存。但是相反的是，早期诞生的那批制造业收益者们的首要生存条件就是那些旧的不曾更新的生产机制。所以不断的改革生产方式，持续的更改社会环境，持续的不确定性和躁动是资产时代和旧时代的最大区别。那些之前被视作不能更改的意见和定义，一切僵化的的关系都被资产阶级一扫而空。当一个新形式过时后资产阶级会随时扬弃掉。资产阶级社会再坚硬的东西都可以烟消云散，再神圣的东西都可以亵渎，人类最终必须强迫自己清醒的面对他的生活环境和他的人类关系。

The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere. 

资产阶级的供应全世界市场的那些产品像它们的影子一样遍布整个星球表面。这个市场必须能在任何地方修建、运转、并建立商品交易关系。

The bourgeoisie has, through its exploitation of the world market, given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of reactionaries, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of inpidual nations become common property. National one sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature. 

资产阶级已经通过自己的剥削形式建立了全球化市场，它们作为生产者和消费者可以出现在世界上任何国家。这一点触犯到了那些旧时代的统治者的利益，资产阶级抽掉了本属于这些人的国家的土地。所有旧的国家行业体系要么直接被摧毁要么一步步被摧毁。它们被新的行业体系所取代，对于所有国家来说他们的行业体系面临的是生或死的抉择，新的行业体系不需要本土的原材料了，而是可以世界遥远的那一头运来的原料，产品的消费者不再只是本地人了，而是世界任何地区的消费者。之前人们只能在本国的产品中寻求满足，如今人们可以有新的追求了，产品可以是遥远地方生产的。旧的封闭的交流沟通变成全球化的交际了。不仅是物质上的产品，知识创作产品都变得全球化了。某一个国家的知识创作变成了全球化的普遍产物。单纯的民族性和狭隘的民族思想变得越来越不可能，过往的那些民族性、地区性的文学现在变成了世界性的文学。

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image.

资产阶级通过产品设备的快速升级，通讯手段的大幅提升，使得那些最不开化的野蛮之地也开化了。商品低廉的价格如重炮般轰开了清政府的国门，这些拥有大炮般力量的商品迫使不开化的清政府怀着强烈不满向这些外国人头像让步。这种力量压制住了所有国家，伴随着被消灭的痛苦，所有国家都不得不适应这种资产阶级生产方式。资产阶级强迫这些被侵略的国家变成资产阶级的一部分，并把这个过程说成是为这些落后国家带来了文明。总的说资产阶级画出了一个跟自己一样的世界。

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. 

资产阶级把国家从属于城镇的统治下，它创造了大量的城市，因此相对于农村来说，城镇人口更多了，因此也解放了相当另一部分本来身处愚昧环境中的农村人口。从而产生了国家依存于城镇、蛮化半蛮化之地从属于现代文化国家，农业国依附于资本主义国家，东方依赖于西方这些现象。

The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralized the means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political centralization. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class interest, one frontier, and one customs tariff. 

资产阶级继续废除着分散的分散的人口集聚模式、生产资料、财产模式、，它聚集了人口，集中了生产模式，最少的人掌握最集中的财产。带来的必然结果就是政治上的集权化。或者说松散的省份化政务，分散的利益、法律、政府、税收系统被集合成了一个国家、一个政府、一种法令、一个国家阶级绿意、一个国家边界、一种税率。

The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. Subjection of nature's forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalization or rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground — what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor? 

资产阶级用了一百年创造并超过了所有过往历史中加在一起的生产力，让自然的力量臣服于人类，机械，化工的应用，让工业、农业、航运、铁路、电报、开垦农田、河网建造这些都大幅收益、资产阶级统治时代的人口仿佛一夜间从地底冒出来的一样，古代任何时候都没有孕育出如此强大的生产力。

We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. 

然后我们看到：生产资料和交易模式这些构建资产阶级基础的东西都产生于封建社会时期。生产资料和交易过程的确定发展阶段都萌芽于封建社会中的工农业之中。在封建社会的物质关系总的来说一旦不再适应生产力的发展，它们就被资产阶级扯碎了，不得不化为碎片，它们也已经化成碎片了。

Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. 

社会渐渐进入自由竞争时代，伴随而来的是一个适应资产阶级发展的社会和政治体制，然后资产阶级就开始统治经济领域和政治领域了。

A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. 

For many a decade past, the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeois and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that, by their periodical return, put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed.

In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity — the epidemic of over production. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed. And why? Because there is too much civilization, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. 

正如我们眼下正在进行着的一个似曾相识的时段，现代资产阶级如同一个魔法师一样，他无法完全控制住那些如地底下钻出来的各式各样的拥有强大魔力般的生产资料、交换模式，虽然这些魔力都是资产阶级自己用符咒召唤出来的。

在这些蔓延性的危机爆发说起来也许有点荒谬，其实就是生产过剩造成的，在资产阶级整个早期时代的每次危机都是如此。危机爆发后社会好像突然倒退回了野蛮时代，饥荒、大规模战争、削减生存必需品都出现了，工商业瞬间被摧毁了，这是为什么？正是因为社会充斥了太多所谓文明，太多生存必须品，太多工商业。生产力在此时不再能为资产阶级提供可以进一步发展的力量。相反生产力在危机时期显得过于强大了，生产力像戴了枷锁一样，很快生产力又挣脱了这个枷锁，然后一股脑的反噬整个资本主义社会，让资本主义社会处于生存危机中。生产力创造的财富太多，而资本主义社会又不足以吞下这些财富。那么资产阶级怎么克服这些危机？一方面他们大肆破坏这些生产力，另一方面就是开拓新的市场，然后用更加彻底严苛的剥削手段压榨旧的市场。也就是说资产阶级每次凭借阻止本次危机的手段都会为下一次更广泛更具破坏性的危机铺路。

过去的数十年间，制造业和商业的历史都是现代生产力对抗现代生产环境、财产关系的历史，而这种财产关系也是为了保证资产阶级的生存统治基础。资本主义社会总会发生商业危机，危机总是周期性出现，整个资产阶级社会的存在都不时需要面临这个危机的审判。而这种商业危机总是越来越危险，这些周期性的危机不仅把现有的生产力包括过往的生产力都摧毁了。

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. 

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons — the modern working class — the proletarians.

当初资产阶级把封建制度推到地下的武器现在掉过头要对资产阶级动手了。不仅是资产阶级亲手锻造的武器要把死亡带给他们，同时另一部分人也挥舞着武器向资产阶级展开了进攻，这些人被称为：现代工人阶级-无产阶级。

In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed — a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market. 

如资产阶级在发展一样，现代工人阶级同时也在发展壮大，与资产阶级不同，工人阶级是一个属于劳动者们的阶级，他们只有找到工作才能活下去，他们的劳动只有为资产阶级创造出资本才能被称为在工作。这些劳动者必须像个商品一样出卖自己，像其他可以买卖的物件一样，因此他们和商品一样面对着市场竞争的兴衰变化。

Owing to the extensive use of machinery, and to the pision of labor, the work of the proletarians has lost all inpidual character, and, consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for maintenance, and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labor, is equal to its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. What is more, in proportion as the use of machinery and pision of labor increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by the increase of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed of machinery, etc.

由于大机器的广泛使用，以及日渐精细的劳动分工，无产阶级的工作使得他们丧失了所有个体性独立性。无产阶级变成了机器的附属品，同时工作也变成了最单调简单乏味的事情，因此工人的生产消费被限制了，他们的收入几乎只能维持生存，繁衍也只是为了延续种族。和商品一样劳动者直接等价于生产成本，因此工作越来越烦，工资也越来越低。另外机器的进一步升级分工的进一步明确的同时，工作负荷也增加了，这些负荷包括延长工作时间，工作量，或者提高机器使用速度等等。

Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As privates of the industrial army, they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois state; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the overlooker, and, above all, in the inpidual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is. 

现代行业把家庭式的小作坊变成了由工业化的资本家操纵的大工厂。大量的劳动者涌入这些工厂里，仿佛有组织的军队一样。作为工业大部队的士兵，他们接受着完备的等级分明的领导者们的每道命令，无产阶级不仅从属于资产阶级而且从属于整个资产阶级阶级划分。他们无时无刻也被机器奴役着，首先他们被资产阶级工厂主监视操控同时还要被监工监督。资产阶级的专制越来越明目张胆，无产阶级的内心的恨意就越来越深。

The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labor, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labor of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex. 

No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer, so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portion of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc. 

人工的体力要求越来越小，换句话说现代工业越进步，人力需求就越小，男人的工作也慢慢被女人取代。年龄和性别不再制约工人阶级。所有人都可以成为劳动工具，资产阶级可以根据这些人的年龄性别发不一样的工资。刚被资产阶级老板剥削完的劳动者一旦拿到工资，立马就有其他资产阶级蜂拥而至，房东，商店老板，典当行老板这些人都来了。

The lower strata of the middle class — the small tradespeople, shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants — all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production. Thus, the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population. 

在资产阶级的中间部分靠下的那个阶层的人，小买卖人，小店主，退休贸易员，手工业者和农民，这些人慢慢的也开始逐渐变成了无产阶级，一部分原因是他们的那点钱不足以面对现代工业体系的挤压，同时也竞争不过实力更雄厚的资本家，另一个原因是他们本来的特殊手艺被新的生产方式取代从而显得一文不值。因此无产阶级从各个阶层的吸收了新力量。

The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first, the contest is carried on by inpidual laborers, then by the work of people of a factory, then by the operative of one trade, in one locality, against the inpidual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois condition of production, but against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages. 

无产阶级经历了不同的发展阶段。他的诞生是开始于同资产阶级的斗争中。开始是个体劳动者们，然后是工厂工人，再然后是某一个行业的工人骨干，在一个地区内反对他们的资产阶级剥削者。他们最开始攻击的不是资本主义生产方式，而是那些生产工具，摧毁那些使他们丧失劳动竞争地位的机器，把生产机器砸成碎片，烧掉厂房，企图恢复到中世纪工人的劳动地位。

At this stage, the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeois. Thus, the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.

在这个阶段劳动者还很分散，直到目前都没有成规模的组织形式，同时无产阶级自己也由于竞争关系彼此分割开来。无产阶级如果只是小型的联合体那么也还不具有足够的活力，但反过来看资产阶级的联合体，他们目标更明确，有共同的属于他们的政治诉求，这就迫使无产阶级做出行动，不止于此无产阶级也要有能力做出行动。因此无产阶级当下不知要面对资产阶级这个敌人还要面对资产阶级的敌人，比如那些封建残余势力、地主、非工业资本家、小资产阶级。只要是历史运动主动权掌握在资产阶级手里，那么每个胜利都还属于它们。

But with the development of industry, the proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labor, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. The increasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between inpidual workmen and inpidual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon, the workers begin to form combinations (trade unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision before hand for these occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots. 

随着各个行业的进步，无产阶级不只是人数上增多了，质量也更高了，无产阶级队伍不断在变强，而且他们已经感受到自己变强了。无产阶级自身内部的生存环境和利益越来越相似，机器的普及让劳动差别越来越小，各地区间的工资水平都降到了一个很低的相似水平。日渐提高点竞争浮现在资产阶级之间，然后导致了经济危机让工人工资越来越不稳定。机器的进一步升级让无产阶级的生存空间越来越脆弱，个体无产者和个体资产阶级之间的对抗越来越激化，已经上升到了两个阶级的对抗。随后工人开始通过工会来对抗资产阶级，他们组织在一起寻求提升工资水平，组建永久协会来预防突发对工人的镇压。各个地方工人的斗争开始爆发成暴动。

Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lie not in the immediate result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by Modern Industry, and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern proletarian, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years.

工人们偶尔会取得胜利但这些胜利还都是暂时性的。他们的斗争果实不能转瞬即逝，而是应该扩大到更广泛的工人群体中。这个工人群体联盟是需要帮助提高内部沟通交流手段的，这些交流方式也都是创造与现代工业社会当中的，在这个联盟中的工人可以来自不同的地区，他们之间可以相互联系。这种联系需要集中大量各地的工人斗士，所有地区扮演相同斗争角色的工人们都应当投入到国家阶级斗争之中。然而每个阶级斗争都是政治性的斗争。这种联盟体系如果在中世纪实现起来太过困难，受制于落后的交通手段，但现代无产阶级收益于更发达的交通体系，互相间的沟通目的很短时间就能达成。

This organization of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently, into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the pisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus, the Ten-Hours Bill in England was carried. 

这样的无产阶级组织深入到阶级内部，然后自然就形成了一个政党，虽然无产阶级依然在斗争中不断受挫，但无产阶级一次次在挫折中再次站起来，变得更强壮，更坚固，更有势力。通过利用资产阶级内部分裂，无产阶级迫使各国立法机构承认了争取本就属于自己利益的合法权益。比如英国颁布了十小时工作制提案。

Altogether, collisions between the classes of the old society further in many ways the course of development of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all time with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles, it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for help, and thus to drag it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own elements of political and general education, in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie. 

旧社会中的各阶层的激烈碰撞也让无产阶级进一步发展壮大。资产阶级发现自己被卷入了无休止的战争中。开始是和封建贵族间的战争，马上又是和资产阶级内部的战争，于那些工业进程中获取利益的新资产阶级贵族，以及和国外的资产阶级之间的斗争。在所有这些战争中，资产阶级强迫自己寄希望于无产阶级，并寻求无产阶级的帮助，并把无产阶级拖入政治舞台中。资产阶级自己把无产阶级变成自己的特有的工具投入进政治、教育环境之中，换言之资产阶级为无产阶级提供了武器来与自己战斗。

Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling class are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress. 

Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole. 

我们进一步已经看到的，由于现代工业社会的进步，整个统治阶级中都渗透进了无产阶级的影子，至少统治阶级的生存环境感受到了无产阶级的压迫感。这样的情形下社会为无产阶级提供了新鲜血液。

最终，阶级斗争到了关键时刻，事实上整个旧社会范围内，统治阶级内部的分化导致了互斗，这是统治阶级自己在断臂求生，然后部分资产阶级也投身革命阶级队伍中，它们掌握着未来。正因如此，在封建时代，当时也有部分本身的贵族阶级投入到资产阶级怀抱，如今部分资产阶级也像当时的封建贵族一样成为了无产阶级队伍的一份子。需要注意的是，这部分资产阶级中的思想家也把自己抬高到系统性理解掌握了整个历史活动的地位。

Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a genuinely revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product. 

The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If, by chance, they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future interests; they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat. 

如今所有社会阶层都要忍受和面对资产阶级，但只有无产阶级才是真正的唯一的革命阶级。其他阶级最终面对现代工业社会都会消失瓦解，这也取决于无产阶级是特殊又基础的生产力主力军。

资产阶级中较低阶层中的小厂主小店主工匠农民，他们对资产阶级的斗争都是不彻底的只是为了苟延残喘或者重新返回到资产阶级中产阶级队伍，他们不是革命派而是保守派，不仅如此，他们还企图阻止历史进步的车轮是反动派。这些小资产阶级只有彻底成为无产阶级才会是革命的。所以他们的斗争都是为了将来能分得更大的利益，所以他们会抛弃自己原有立场和无产阶级站在一边。

The "dangerous class", the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue. 

In the condition of the proletariat, those of old society at large are already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family relations; modern industry labor, modern subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests. 

那个危险的阶级，被卷入无产阶级斗争中的社会最底层的腐败不堪的社会渣滓也慢慢冒出头来，这些人看起来是底层阶级但它们随时会成为统治者的阴谋武器。

无产阶级面临的是，旧社会很大程度都被淹没了，无产阶级没有物质财产，他的家庭关系和资产阶级没有任何相似之处，现代的产业劳动者从属于现代资本，英国如此，法国如此，德国美国也如此，民族性外衣被剥去后，法律道德宗教这些东西的背后都隐藏着太多资产阶级利益的秘密影子。

All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, inpidual property. All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole super incumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air. 

所有运动中的阶级要取得更高的社会地位壮大自己都要主动的驱动社会附属于自己这个阶级。无产阶级不能成为社会生产力的主人，除了自己创造的物质被资产阶级占有了之外，其他一切物质都被资产阶级占有了。他们没有东西保护自己。他们的任务是打破原有的一切私有制财产。过去的历史运动都是少数人的运动，或为了少数人利益的运动，无产阶级的运动是自我觉醒的，代表最广大普罗大众根本利益的独立运动。现代社会中那些高高在上的仿佛长在云端的统治机器并非自己会飞的那么高，它们靠的是底层无数无产阶级构筑了坚固的基石让它们爬上去的。

Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie. 

In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.

斗争不仅在实际行动上，形式上也要斗争，与资产阶级的斗争首先是国内的斗争，每个国家的无产阶级都必须先解决自己国家的资产阶级斗争问题。在描述无产阶级斗争的历史过程中，我们或多或少的提及了战争，社会内部中的暴动成长为公开的革命战争，这些针对资产阶级的各种暴力活动也进一步的夯实了无产阶级的队伍基础

Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the periodof serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of the feudal absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the process of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an overriding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society. 

目前我们已经看到社会的基础构成就是剥削阶级和被剥削阶级，但是为了剥削一个阶级就得保证他下面要有个阶级必须被剥削，这种带有从属性的阶级性要继续沿袭下去。佃农属于地主，成为佃农集体的一员，正如小资产阶级曾经附属于封建统治下，随后小资产阶级发展成资产阶级。现代劳动者并没有随着产业升级而获取地位上的提升反而越来越生存在压迫之下。劳动者成为赤贫者，这种贫困蔓延的越来越迅速，超越了财富和人口的上升速度。资产阶级为了把自己生存凌驾于整个社会之上，这显然证明资产阶级就不再适合成为社会的统治者。他们不适合再做统治者是因为他连最起码的保证自己的附庸者生存都满足不了，资产阶级无法摆脱这种困局，因为资产阶级只想吸取无产阶级的营养却不愿意养育无产阶级。整个社会不再需要生存在这样的资产阶级统治之下，换言之就是资产阶级不再和社会所兼容。

The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage labor. Wage labor rests exclusively on competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the laborers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.

资产阶级的必要生存条件是资本的形成和扩大，它依靠的是劳动雇佣关系，雇佣关系中催生了劳动力的竞争。资产阶级无意识自发的成为了产业进步的因素，由于竞争压力之前分散的劳动形式被取代了，由于各产业间的联系，又催生了革命性的产业整合。因此现代产业进步割裂了资产阶级的生产和生产占有基础。因此资产阶级的生产力产物同时就是它自己的掘墓人，它的失败和无产阶级的胜利同样都不可避免。

Footnotes:

(1) By bourgoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of production and employers of wage labor. By proletariat, the class of modern wage laborers who, having no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor power in order to live. [Engels, 1888 English edition]

资产阶级就是现代资本阶级包括生产资料占有者，劳动雇佣关系主人，无产阶级就是现代劳动雇佣关系下的劳动者，他们没有属于自己的生产资料，只能通过出卖劳动力生存-恩格斯，1888年英译版

(2) That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society, the social organization existing previous to recorded history, all but unknown. Since then, August von Haxthausen (1792-1866) discovered common ownership of land in Russia, Georg Ludwig von Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history, and, by and by, village communities were found to be, or to have been, the primitive form of society everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organization of this primitive communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, by Lewis Henry Morgan's (1818-1861) crowning discovery of the true nature of the gens and its relation to the tribe. With the dissolution of the primeval communities, society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this dissolution in The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, second edition, Stuttgart, 1886. [Engels, 1888 English Edition and 1890 German Edition (with the last sentence omitted)] 

没有文字纪录之前人类就出现了类似社会概念的群居历史。从那时开始AOH就发现了俄国普遍的领主制度。GLOM证明了这种领主制度下诞生了日耳曼民族，在印度和爱尔兰也发现了早期乡村存在的遗迹。LHM也发现了早期氏族部落之中的原始共产社会生产方式产生了。随着原始部落的消亡，社会开始分化并进一步形成了不同的阶级。我在家庭、私有财产、国家起源一书中阐明过这一现象-恩格斯1888年英译版本1890年德译版

(3) Guild-master, that is, a full member of a guild, a master within, not a head of a guild. [Engels, 1888 English Edition]

中世纪行会主，就是某个行业全体的内部主人，但不是这个行会的头领。

(4) This was the name given their urban communities by the townsmen of Italy and France, after they had purchased or conquered their initial rights of self-government from their feudal lords. [Engels, 1890 German edition] "Commune" was the name taken in France by the nascent towns even before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters local self-government and political rights as the "Third Estate". Generally speaking, for the economical development of the bourgeoisie, England is here taken as the typical country, for its political development, France. [Engels, 1888 English Edition]

这是他们为自己从意大利和法国封建贵族手里买下或占领的城邦起的名字。Commune是这些资产阶级从封建贵族手中拿到这些城镇起的名字，这些地方在被这些资产阶级占有之前就被称作第三等级。一般来说英国是资产阶级经济发展的典型国家，而法国是资产阶级政治上取得发展的典型国家。恩格斯，1888英译本

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